At first, the Israeli aerial attack on the Hamas delegation in Qatar appeared like another escalation that drove the prospect of peace further away.
The attack on September 9 breached the sovereignty of an American ally and threatened expanding the conflict into a broader regional conflict.
Negotiations appeared to be collapsing.
Instead, it proved to be a pivotal event that has led in a agreement, declared by President Donald Trump, to release all remaining hostages.
This is a objective that he, and Joe Biden previously, had sought for almost 24 months.
This marks just the first step towards a lasting resolution, and the specifics of Hamas disarmament, administering Gaza and complete Israeli pullout remain to be negotiated.
But if this agreement holds, it could be Donald Trump's signature achievement of his second term - one that eluded Joe Biden and his diplomatic team.
Trump's distinct approach and key alliances with Israel and the Arab world appear to have contributed in this success.
However, as with most foreign policy wins, there were also elements at play beyond the influence of either man.
Publicly, Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are all smiles.
Trump likes to say that Israel has no better friend, and the Israeli leader has described him as Israel's "most supportive friend in the US presidency". And these warm words have been backed up by deeds.
During his initial time in office, the president moved the US embassy in the country from its former location to the contested capital and abandoned a long-held US position that Israeli settlements in the Palestinian West Bank are illegal, the view under international law.
When the Israeli military began its air strikes against the Islamic Republic in June, Trump ordered US bombers to target the Iran's atomic sites with its largest non-nuclear weapons.
These visible shows of support may have allowed the president the leeway to apply more pressure on Israel in private. According to reports, the president's negotiator, his representative, browbeat the prime minister in late 2024 into accepting a temporary ceasefire in return for the release of some hostages.
When Israeli forces attacked against Syria's military in July, including hitting a Christian church, the US president pressured his counterpart to alter tactics.
Trump exhibited a level of will and pressure on an Israel's leader that is rarely seen, says an analyst of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "There is no example of an US leader directly instructing an Israeli leader that you're going to have to comply or else."
Biden's connection with Netanyahu's government was always more strained.
The Biden team's "bear hug strategy" argued that the United States had to embrace Israel openly in order to enable it to moderate the nation's war conduct in private.
Beneath this was Biden's decades-long of backing for the state, as well as sharp divisions within his Democratic coalition over the conflict in Gaza. Each move the leader took endangered fracturing his own political backing, whereas Trump's loyal conservative voters provided him more flexibility to act.
Ultimately, domestic politics or personal relationships may have had less importance than the reality that, throughout his term, the Israeli government was unwilling to reach an agreement.
Eight months into his new administration, with the Islamic Republic chastened, Hezbollah to its northern border greatly diminished and Gaza devastated, all its major strategy objectives had been accomplished.
An Israeli strike in Doha, which killed a local national but no Hamas officials, prompted Trump to deliver an final demand to the prime minister. The war had to stop.
Trump had given the Israeli military a significant latitude in the territory. The president provided American military might to Israel's campaign in Iran. But an attack on Qatar soil was a different matter completely, moving him towards the stance of Arab nations on how best to end the war.
Several administration figures have told media outlets that this was a decisive moment which motivated the leader to apply maximum pressure to get a peace deal done.
This US president's strong connections with the Arab monarchies are widely known. He has commercial interests with Qatar and the UAE. He began each of his administrations with state visits to Saudi Arabia. This year, he also visited in Doha and Abu Dhabi.
His Abraham Accords, which normalised relations between the Jewish state and a number of Arab nations, such as the Emirates, was the biggest foreign policy success of his first term.
His visits devoted in the capitals of the Gulf region in recent months helped shift his perspective, according to an expert of the a policy institute. Trump did not travel to Israel on this regional tour but went to the UAE, the kingdom and Qatar where he heard consistent appeals to put a stop to the war.
Less than a month after that attack on the city, the president was present close as Netanyahu himself phoned Qatar to express regret. Subsequently, the prime minister gave approval on the president's 20-point peace plan for Gaza - one that additionally had the backing of influential Arab states in the region.
If the president's relationship with Netanyahu gave him the room to pressure the government to strike a deal, his past with Arab rulers may have secured their support, and assisted them persuade the group to agree to the deal.
"A key factor that evidently occurred was that President Trump developed influence with the Israeli government, and indirectly with the militants," says an analyst of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
"That made a difference. The capacity to achieve this on his timing, and avoid yielding to the demands of the warring sides has been a problem that many previous presidents have faced, and Trump seems to handle relatively successfully."
The reality that Trump is far better liked in Israel than the prime minister personally was leverage that Trump used to his benefit, he adds.
Now the Israeli government has agreed to releasing over a thousand detainees imprisoned in Israeli prisons and has consented to a partial withdrawal from the strip.
Hamas will release all the remaining hostages, living and dead, captured in the original 7 October assault, which resulted in the loss of more than 1,200 Israeli citizens.
A conclusion to the war, which has led to the destruction of the territory and the fatalities of over 67,000 {Palestinians|Pal
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