America: More Than Just Europe's Unwilling Partner, But Rather a Foe Steeped in Far-Right Thought

On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government released an similarly flamboyant security policy document. This relatively brief report drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the current actions and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a serious warning for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Intervention and Civilizational Fear

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language seems taken directly from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to reclaim its civilizational self-confidence." More worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and starker possibility of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to champion genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."

Core Ideas of the Right-Wing

These points carry powerful overtones of two concepts seen as core for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "native" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.

It is the nationalist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "America urges its political allies in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

In other words, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to respond accordingly.